Let me state at the outset what the moral law makes unmistakably clear: the hospital may not decide this question by comparing the worth of the two men. The proposal that the younger patient should receive the ventilator because he is younger — because he possesses more remaining years, more productive capacity, more future utility — is not merely a mistaken calculation. It is a violation of the very foundation of morality.
For as I have argued in the Groundwork, everything has either a price or a dignity. What has a price can be replaced by an equivalent; what is raised above all price, and therefore admits of no equivalent, has dignity. Rational nature — humanity in a person — exists as an end in itself and possesses dignity. To weigh thirty years of one man's life against seventy years of another man's, as a merchant weighs grain, is to treat both men as things possessing price. It is to say that a person's claim upon our regard rises and falls with a quantity. This I reject absolutely.
The situation is nonetheless genuinely tragic, and here I must be careful: a tragic situation is not the same as a moral one. The hospital's failure to save one man is not a murder of him. There is no wrong done by the impossible — ultra posse nemo obligatur. The moral question is not "who may be killed?" but "how may a scarce means be distributed without treating either person as a mere means?"
I apply the categorical imperative in its several formulations, together with the doctrine of Right (Recht) as distinguished from the doctrine of Virtue (Tugend):
First formulation (universal law): Act only according to that maxim through which you can at the same time will that it become a universal law. Test the hospital's proposed policy as a law of nature.
Second formulation (humanity as end in itself): So act that you use humanity, whether in your own person or in the person of any other, always at the same time as an end, never merely as a means. This is the formulation that decides the case.
Third formulation (the kingdom of ends): Act as a legislating member of a possible kingdom of ends — a systematic union of rational beings under common laws, in which each counts as an end and none as mere instrument. Ask: what allocation rule could all rational beings, including the aged, legislate for themselves?
I emphatically do not apply the principle of the utilitarians, who would maximize "life-years saved." That doctrine derives morality from the empirical, from happiness and consequence, and therefore can furnish no categorical law at all — only hypothetical counsels of prudence. Worse, it possesses no barrier whatever against sacrificing one man for the aggregate, which is the precise crime the moral law forbids.
Let us examine the maxim: "When a scarce life-saving resource must be allocated, give it to the patient with more expected remaining years."
What does this maxim presuppose? It presupposes that the value of preserving a person is a function of the quantity of life thereby preserved. But this is to treat a person as a container of something valuable, rather than as the seat of value itself. On my account, it is not life as such that possesses absolute worth — a beast lives, and has price only — but the rational, self-legislating will. That will is present whole and entire in the seventy-year-old. It is not present in fractions. A man of seventy is not seven-tenths of a person, nor is he four-sevenths of a man of thirty. Dignity does not admit of degree, because it admits of no equivalent by which degrees could be measured.
Moreover, consider the "fair innings" argument that some advance — that the elder has already had his portion of life, and justice requires the younger receive his. This reasoning treats life as a distributed good, like an allotment of bread, and the person as its recipient. But a man's life is not a ration he has drawn from the state's stores. He did not receive it as a gift for which he must now account, and he owes no one a settling of the ledger. To say "you have lived enough" is to arrogate to oneself a judgment over the worth of another's existence that no finite rational being possesses the standing to make.
I do not counsel paralysis. Reason permits certain distinctions, provided they concern the means and not the person.
First: whether the ventilator can in fact save the patient. If one man's condition is such that mechanical ventilation cannot preserve him — if the treatment is futile in the strict sense — then to allocate it to him is not beneficence but a squandering of the means by which beneficence acts. Here the physician judges his instrument, not his patient's worth. It is worth observing that age may correlate with such prognosis; but then it is the prognosis, not the age, that does the moral work, and the physician must be scrupulously honest with himself about which he is actually reasoning from.
Second: prior rightful claim. If one patient is already upon the ventilator, the matter changes character entirely. To remove a man from a treatment sustaining him is not a failure to aid — it is an act terminating his life, and this falls under the perfect duty against killing. The physician may not withdraw the means from a living patient in order to bestow it upon another he judges more deserving. This would be to use the first man merely as a means to the second's survival, in the most literal way imaginable.
Third: where reason finds no ground of distinction, equality of claim demands equality of chance. A lottery may appear to some a mere abdication of judgment — a shrugging of the shoulders. It is nothing of the kind. It is the positive expression of the recognition that neither man's claim can rightfully be subordinated to the other's. It says to each: I have not judged you less worthy; I have judged that I have no authority to judge between you. This is the only procedure that both men could, as legislating members of a kingdom of ends, consent to in advance. And note well: the seventy-year-old could not consent to the age criterion, for it condemns him without a hearing; but both could consent to the lottery.
I add a consideration from my political writings, for it bears directly here. I have maintained as a transcendental principle of public right: "All actions relating to the right of other men are unjust if their maxim is not consistent with publicity." An action whose maxim must be concealed to succeed is thereby shown to be unjust.
Let the hospital ask itself: could this rule be posted upon the door, read aloud to every patient upon admission? "Should scarcity arise, those above a certain age will not be treated." I submit that the discomfort any honest administrator feels at this prospect is not squeamishness but the voice of practical reason, reporting that the maxim cannot survive the light.
Finally, a word on the physician's own condition. He will suffer, and he ought to suffer, for sympathy with the distress of others is a natural disposition that reason commands us to cultivate rather than deaden. But he must not permit that anguish to become the ground of his decision, for feeling — however noble — is pathological in origin and cannot yield a universal law. He must act from duty, and then bear what follows.
And he must know this: having acted rightly, he is not guilty of the death that ensues. The moral worth of his action lies in the maxim from which he acted, not in the outcome that nature and scarcity have imposed. He did not create the shortage; he has not murdered; he has treated both men as ends. A good will, as I have said, is good not because of what it effects or accomplishes, but through its willing alone — it would sparkle like a jewel for its own sake even if, by the niggardly provision of stepmotherly nature, it should wholly lack the power to accomplish its purpose.
Let the hospital procure more ventilators. That is a duty too — a duty of the state, and an urgent one. But the tragedy of the present hour does not license us to abandon the principle that a man of seventy is a man entire.
Let me begin by acknowledging the peculiar cruelty of the case. Whatever the hospital does, a person dies who might have lived; and no arrangement of words will convert that into a happy outcome. The question is not how to do good, but how to do the least harm — and the utilitarian creed, which holds that actions are right in proportion as they tend to promote happiness, and wrong as they tend to produce the reverse, does not shrink from such cases. It insists only that we face them with our eyes open, counting all the consequences and refusing to be governed by sentiment, custom, or the mere feeling of repugnance at deciding at all.
My conclusion is this: the hospital may legitimately consider the probable quantity and quality of life that each patient's survival would secure — and in doing so, the difference between thirty and seventy years of age is not an irrelevance, for it bears on the expected happiness at stake. But age is a crude proxy, not a principle; it must never be treated as a mark of lesser worth in the person, and the decision must be made by a publicly avowed rule that treats each claimant's interests as counting equally, so that the security which is the very foundation of social life is not shaken.
I apply the Greatest Happiness Principle, in the form I have laboured to defend: that the ultimate standard of right conduct is the greatest amount of happiness altogether, the happiness of each counting equally with that of any other, and with pleasures assessed for their quality as well as their quantity. I apply it, however, not as a licence for each agent to calculate afresh in every emergency, but through secondary principles — rules of justice, of impartiality, of promise-keeping and of trust — which are the accumulated experience of mankind concerning the tendencies of actions, and which we depart from only when they conflict and reason must adjudicate between them. And I apply it with my customary insistence that received opinion, however venerable, be subjected to examination; for much of what passes for moral intuition in these matters is only the residue of custom.
Consider first the objection that will be raised against me: that to prefer the younger patient is to declare the elder man's life worth less, and thus to violate the equality of persons. I answer that this confuses two distinct things. The utilitarian does not appraise persons; he appraises consequences. When I say that saving the thirty-year-old will probably produce a greater sum of happiness, I do not say that he is a better or more deserving being. I say only that more life, and therefore more of whatever life contains — affection, exertion, thought, enjoyment — is likely to follow. The seventy-year-old's remaining years are as precious to him as the younger man's are to him; but there are, in the ordinary course of nature, fewer of them. To refuse to notice this is not impartiality; it is a refusal to look at the facts, and I know of no morality that is improved by such refusal.
Nevertheless I would place two firm restraints upon this reasoning.
The first concerns the quality of the estimate. Age is an average, and averages are treacherous when applied to individuals. A vigorous man of seventy may have fifteen good years before him; a man of thirty ravaged by disease may have two. If the hospital consults age instead of consulting the actual medical prospect, it substitutes a convenient rule for the truth, and the utility it seeks will elude it. Therefore: judge by the likelihood of the treatment succeeding and by the reasonable expectation of recovery — and let age inform that judgment only insofar as physiology genuinely warrants.
The second restraint concerns what I have called the social consequences, which the hasty utilitarian always underrates. I have written that the moral rules forbidding injury to others are more vital to human wellbeing than any maxims of mere expediency, because they concern the security by which men are enabled to plan their lives at all. Now, if hospitals were understood to weigh the comparative social value of their patients — to spare the useful and abandon the burdensome — then every aged, infirm, or unfashionable person would live in the shadow of a sentence. The suffering caused by such general apprehension is real suffering, and must enter the account. It is on this ground, and not on any ground of abstract right divorced from utility, that I insist the criteria be narrow, public, medically grounded, and administered by a committee rather than by an individual physician at the bedside — for it is at the bedside, under the pressure of the moment, that prejudice masquerades as judgment.
I would add a word on those considerations of social usefulness which some will urge — that the young man is a father of children, or a person of talent. I am not so squeamish as to say these can never matter; consequences are consequences. But I am acutely aware how such reasoning has historically been employed to dignify the interests of the powerful. The whole tendency of my writings has been to expose how custom disguises the subordination of one class, or one sex, as the natural order of things. I should therefore exclude judgments of social worth almost entirely, permitting at most the narrow consideration of clear dependency — and even that with hesitation, and never as a general policy.
Finally, I would have the hospital do one thing more, which pure calculation might overlook and yet which utility demands: that whichever patient is not given the ventilator be given every comfort, every attendance, every alleviation of pain, and the honest explanation of what has been done and why. The obligation to relieve suffering does not cease when the obligation to prolong life cannot be discharged. And the man who is told the truth suffers less, in the end, than the man who is deceived — for I have never believed that mankind is best governed by being kept in ignorance.
So: give the ventilator where it will most probably save a life; where both may be saved, give it where the greater sum of life and happiness lies, of which age is one honest indication among others; where the claims are equal, draw lots; and let the whole procedure be avowed openly, that the trust upon which the practice of medicine depends may survive the tragedy it cannot prevent.
The philosophers deliberate and work toward consensus
Herr Kant, let me put my position plainly before we begin fencing, so that you may strike at the thing itself and not at a caricature of it. Two men will not both live. One instrument, two claimants. I say the hospital does no wrong in considering that the younger man, if saved, will in all likelihood have four decades of life before him, and the elder perhaps one. That is a difference in consequence, and consequences are the only material the moral faculty has to work upon. To refuse to look at it is not neutrality; it is a decision made with the eyes shut, and it costs a man forty years.
I do not misunderstand you, Mr. Mill, and I shall not caricature you. But I must say at once that your proposal, stated so calmly, contains a monstrous premise. You have compared two lives and found one to contain more. More what? More years, you say — more experience, more enjoyment, more contribution. But this is to treat a person as a vessel of quantity, as a container whose value is the value of its contents. Rational nature is not a container. It has no price, and therefore no more and no less. The seventy-year-old is not seven-tenths of a man because he has fewer years remaining. He is a whole end in himself, today, on the ward, gasping.
But I have not said he is seven-tenths of a man. I have said his prospect differs. Observe the distinction, for everything hangs upon it. I do not weigh Smith against Jones and pronounce Smith the finer specimen. I weigh a future of forty years against a future of five. It is not the men who are compared but the outcomes.
And who, pray, is to have those futures? Ghosts? The futures are not free-floating quantities in the air; they are the futures of persons, and to prefer one future is to prefer one person. Your distinction is a screen of language behind which the comparison proceeds exactly as before. I say further: consider what maxim the hospital would be adopting. "When resources are scarce, allocate them to those whose remaining lifespan promises the greater aggregate benefit." Universalize that. What kind of world have you legislated? One in which every man knows that as he ages he becomes, in the eyes of the institutions meant to heal him, a diminishing asset. One in which the sick approach the hospital not as persons with a claim, but as bidders in an auction whose currency is their own remaining vitality.
Now that is an argument I can meet, because it is at bottom a consequential one — you are describing what such a rule would do to the sentiments of a people, and I take that seriously indeed. In Utilitarianism I insisted that security is the most vital of all interests, and the sense that one will not be abandoned by the physician when weak is very near the heart of security. If a policy of counting years would leave the aged in terror of the hospital, would make them delay seeking care, would corrode the trust upon which medicine wholly depends — then the policy fails by my own standard, not despite it. I do not need your noumenal kingdom to reach that result. I need only to count honestly and count everything.
Then we arrive at the same door by different roads, and I confess I am glad of it. But I must press you, for the roads matter more than you allow. Suppose the empirical facts were otherwise. Suppose a study — you are fond of studies — showed that the aged did not mind, that trust was undisturbed, that the sums came out cleanly in favor of the young. On your principle the elder man must then be set aside, and you would have no ground to object. Your protection of him is contingent, borrowed, revocable. It rests upon a happy accident of public sentiment. I say it must rest on something that cannot be revoked by a survey.
I will not pretend that is not a real bite. Yes — my rules are answerable to facts, and facts can shift. But permit me to say what I gain by that answerability. Your position, if I have it right, forbids the comparison utterly. Very well: the ventilator must still go somewhere. What do you propose?
The lot. Or the order of arrival, if that is already established and known. Something which treats each as having an equal claim precisely because their claims are incommensurable — which is to say, something that declines to rank them at all. Where I cannot honor both, I may at least refuse to declare one of them the lesser.
The lottery. And do you know, I find I can accept it — but let me tell you why I accept it, because I think my reason is the stronger one and not the weaker. A lottery is not merely a gesture of respect; it is a functioning institution. It removes from the exhausted physician at three in the morning the burden of appraising the worth of the man before him. It removes the temptation — and it is a real temptation, we have both seen it in history — for "remaining years" to become "remaining usefulness," and then "usefulness to whom?", and then we are sorting the sick by class and race and vigor, and calling it arithmetic. Rules exist because case-by-case calculation by fallible men under pressure produces worse results than a firm rule does. That is not a concession to you; that is my own doctrine of secondary principles, and it is why I am not the monster your students take me for.
I have never thought you a monster, Mr. Mill. I have thought you a man who builds a house upon sand and is surprised when the tide is friendly. You have just given a splendid account of why the rule should stand — the fallibility of the calculator, the slippage from years into usefulness, the corruption that follows. Every word of it I endorse. But notice: you defended the rule by predicting the consequences of abandoning it. I defend the rule because the elder man is owed it. He may look the hospital in the face and say, "You may not weigh me." That is not a prediction. It is a claim, and it holds whether or not the prediction comes true.
And yet your claim, if I may return the pressure, gives you nothing to say about scarcity itself. You have one ventilator. Your dignity is infinite and indivisible; my arithmetic at least tells the hospital board to buy a second machine, and tells it how urgently. Any doctrine that cannot rank states of the world cannot guide the building of a better one. I suspect you need my counting for everything that comes before the bedside, even if you forbid it at the bedside.
That I grant more readily than you may expect. The duty of beneficence is a wide duty; it commands us to promote the ends of others, and how to do so is a question of prudence and calculation. Purchase the second ventilator, by all means, and calculate freely in doing it. What the moral law forbids is not calculation in the pursuit of ends. It is calculation about which persons count. Build the hospital by arithmetic; do not fill the bed by arithmetic.
That is a formula I could nearly sign. Nearly — for I would add one clause you will dislike. If the elder patient were certain not to survive the treatment, if the ventilator would merely prolong his dying by hours while the younger would walk out and live, I would not call it an insult to him to give the machine where it can do its work. That is not weighing his worth. It is asking what the instrument can accomplish.
Here, surprisingly, I follow you. Medical futility is not a judgment about the man; it is a judgment about the machine. To say "this will not save him" is a factual claim, not a valuation of his humanity. Age is not such a claim. Age is a proxy, and a lazy one, and the moment we permit it we have permitted the auction. Let the criterion be: can this treatment save this patient? And if the answer is yes for both — then the lot, and no man may say afterwards that he was found wanting.
Then let me state where I think we stand, and you may correct me. We agree that the hospital should not choose by age. We agree the choice should fall to a lottery or some equally blind procedure, and that likelihood of the treatment succeeding — not the value of the life saved — is the one legitimate medical discrimination. We disagree, and I think irreducibly, about the ground: you hold the elder man's protection to be a right that no calculation may touch; I hold it to be a rule that calculation, done thoroughly and with due weight to trust, security, and the corruptibility of judges under pressure, powerfully vindicates. You think my ground sand. I think yours a beautiful assertion that cannot be argued with anyone who does not already share it. But I notice that when the ventilator is actually in the room, we reach for the same envelope and draw the same lot — and I am not sure the dying man cares which of us handed it to him.